A lifelong Wyoming Republican is running for governor as a Constitution Party candidate because the Republican nominee, 14-year legislator Eric Barlow, governs as a Democrat — backed by dark money, opposed to fossil fuels in an energy state, and supported by the very Democrats he supposedly opposes.
The structural capture of Wyoming politics
Wyoming is the most Republican state in the country, yet consistently elects governors who do not reflect the voters’ values.
Democrats have no viable path in Wyoming, so they switch registration to Republican, infiltrate the primary, and exploit conservative vote-splitting to install a candidate who functions as a Democrat.
Big money — including George Soros–funded networks — flows cheaply into Wyoming races; the governor’s race can be won for under $1 million, making it vulnerable to outside installation.
The Republican Party apparatus offers no resistance: it refuses to enforce its own 23-plank platform, allows candidates to skip the 80% loyalty pledge, and stays silent when a “pure evil” nominee emerges.
The current governor, Mark Gordon, is described as a Democrat in practice; he hired a private chef at taxpayer expense while residents struggle with food costs.
Eric Barlow’s record vs. Wyoming’s interests
Barlow served 14 years in the state legislature; his voting record is the basis of the challenge against him.
He testified before Congress advocating removal of fossil-fuel dependence in favor of renewables — in a state whose economy runs on coal, oil, and gas.
He voted eight times in six years to expand Medicaid to 55,000 able-bodied, childless adults and supported taxpayer-funded benefits for illegal aliens.
He champions wind and solar projects (“green energy scams”) and supports data centers that consume scarce water and receive opaque tax breaks.
He won the Republican primary after the Trump-endorsed conservative lost; party leaders who once called him “pure evil” now demand unity behind him.
Property tax as a mechanism of displacement
Property taxes function as a tax on unrealized gains: a 94-year-old Jackson woman bought her home for $40,000 in 1960; it is now valued at $4.5 million, generating a $19,000 annual tax bill against $12,704 in Social Security income — forcing her to work at 94.
Property tax revenue is a “free-for-all” for politicians: in Rock Springs it buys a golf-club membership for the mayor; in Teton County it funds a “first, last, and deposit” rental-assistance program that does not require legal residency.
The candidate proposes eliminating property tax entirely.
The low-income housing tax-credit racket
“Affordable housing” projects are built on public land with public money (e.g., a $24 million complex on the Jackson Hole Rodeo grounds, with a free 99-year lease), but the buildings are owned by private equity firms — including Japan’s Orix and East Coast funds — that pay zero property tax.
Developers pay themselves million-dollar fees; loans are guaranteed by the public; rent rolls eventually repay construction, but the asset remains in private hands.
The Wyoming Community Development Authority distributes millions with total discretion; a former federal-programs coordinator became a federal-programs recipient.
“Affordable” units allow residents with $475,000 in assets and homes elsewhere; a man collecting unemployment in Lake Tahoe moved into a Jackson unit with $200,390 in his bank account.
The candidate has sued the town of Jackson over $3 million in missing funds and forced one complex to begin paying property tax after threatening litigation.
Data centers, water, and opaque deals
Data centers are universally unpopular but keep arriving; they consume massive water in an arid state, receive sales-tax exemptions, and fail to deliver promised employment.
County commissioners negotiate in secret under NDAs; the public learns of projects only when ground is broken.
The candidate would require data centers to post bonds for decommissioning and end secret negotiations.
Surveillance and local overreach in Teton County
Flock license-plate cameras (warrantless mass surveillance) are being deployed in neighborhoods with near-zero violent crime; the candidate pledges an executive order banning them on day one.
The town of Jackson bans chickens, honeybees, and fruit trees in the name of “the environment” — effectively prohibiting auxiliary food sources.
Town meetings open with a land-acknowledgment ritual; the leadership is described as wealthy transplants from New Jersey with no connection to the state.
The third-party path and the “uniparty” dynamic
The candidate ran for state GOP chair two years ago; the party establishment removed six grassroots delegates to block her.
Former state GOP revenue chair Frank E. Thorne, who ran the party for eight years, endorsed her Constitution Party bid because the Republican nominee is a Democrat.
The Constitution Party platform centers on life, liberty, and private-property rights — all of which she affirms.
She frames the race as a choice between the person and the party: “We have to put the person over the political party.”
She self-funds a sub-$1 million campaign against a machine-backed opponent, pledging to serve one term and return home — not become a lobbyist or career politician.
The stakes
If she loses, she predicts Wyoming becomes Colorado within four years: culturally unrecognizable, governed by developers, green-energy billionaires, and a uniparty that holds its own voters in contempt.
The pattern repeats across the West — Kansas, Nebraska, the Dakotas — where conservative populations are governed by politicians beholden to interests that oppose them.
